The Russian invasion of Ukraine has once again shown Europeans that the United States remains indispensable as a guarantor of European security. Since the end of the Cold War, we have benefited enormously from the “cheap” security that the United States has provided us. The negative effects of this “peace dividend” on the national defense capabilities of European states have been ignored.
Now that the threat to Europe is no longer a distant mirage but a real one, this has changed. Because Europe’s security policy is not as well positioned as it should be given the threat situation, the USA’s contribution to European security continues to be crucial. At the same time, however, it is becoming increasingly clear that American engagement in Europe can no longer be taken for granted.
To keep our transatlantic alliance alive, Europe must take more responsibility for its own security. To do this, we Europeans must keep our commitments on national defense spending and improve cooperation with our American partners.
The Weimar Triangle, consisting of Poland, France and Germany, must counteract the growing isolationism that is rooted in American domestic politics and is increasingly spreading in the strategic thinking of the USA. To this end, it is essential that we underpin the “turning point” that is taking place in security policy across Europe with even more concrete measures and communicate these clearly to our American partners. Our credibility in this field is crucial to prevent the transatlantic partnership from breaking up and security cooperation from becoming bilateral.
What does this mean in concrete terms? Europe must continue to improve its military capabilities by increasing defence spending and expanding arms production. The two percent target should only serve as a minimum contribution – not an upper limit – for the European contribution to the security of the continent. At the same time, we must develop a long-term perspective for the European defence industry.
It will take time and investment in production capacity not only to supply Ukraine with urgently needed ammunition, long-range missiles and air defence systems, but also to replenish our own stocks. While support for Kyiv is now driving these efforts, we must not forget that we will also need a much stronger European commitment to our security in the future.
French President Macron’s efforts to restore strategic ambiguity and put the Kremlin in its place, or Polish Prime Minister Tusk’s analysis that Europe is in “pre-war times,” show that Europe is politically more ready for change than it has been since 1989.
This willingness is also a success for the USA, which has managed to convince the Europeans to take more responsibility for their own security. This basic understanding can inspire the transatlantic alliance, provided that our strategic interests remain closely aligned.
Peace and prosperity and the continuation of the international order depend on democracies supporting each other and thus sending a clear message to revisionist regimes. In the transatlantic context, too, the key lies in the word “partnership.”
We Europeans must make clear to our US colleagues on both political camps the importance of a coordinated strategy and make it clear that European attempts to strengthen our military capabilities are not aimed at weakening the US or pushing it out of Europe. Quite the opposite: they serve to strengthen the coherence and credibility of the allies in dealing with global crises and conflicts.
During our joint visit to the US Congress, shortly before the adoption of the new Ukraine aid package, we found that the military and financial support provided by Europe to Ukraine so far has partly gone unnoticed in the US. This is due to a lack of strategic communication on the part of the Europeans.
The reality is that Europe is already doing a lot for Ukraine and we know that we must do more to drive the war out of Europe. To make this clear to our American partners, we must invest time and resources in strategic communication with the United States.
It is clear to us that we European parliamentarians must work together with our colleagues in the USA across party lines. A particular focus should be on parliamentary diplomacy. Many in Europe have failed to recognise fundamental changes in American society since the end of the Cold War.
These have increasingly weakened the transatlantic ties of the younger generation of American politicians. But to keep the transatlantic alliance alive, it is not enough to just communicate with political decision-makers. We must also strengthen public diplomacy to reach out to US citizens – especially American youth – and win them over to Europe.
The future of the transatlantic alliance as the backbone of NATO and a security guarantee for Europe depends not only on the domestic political debate in Washington, in which the Europeans are only observers, but also on ourselves. We have recognised that Europe’s current dependence on the USA is unsustainable and that we must live up to our own responsibility to prevent the Western alliance from breaking apart.
Attacks by hostile states target the values and prosperity of the United States and Europe alike. Rapid, continuous development of our military capabilities and better strategic communication with our American partners are essential – both for Ukraine’s long-term security and our own.
Norbert Röttgen (CDU) was Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee until 2021. Together with Natalia Pouzyreff (France) and Pawel Kowal (Poland), he took part in the first delegation trip of parliamentarians from the countries of the “Weimar Triangle” to the USA.
